Fazang

Map of the Tang Empire and Central Asian Protectorates (including Sogdiana) circa 660 CE

Little is known about Fazang's early life.[10] Fazang's family were Sogdians and lived in an ethnically Sogdian enclave in the imperial capital of Chang’an.[11] Fazang's father, Kang Mi, held an official title in the Tang court. Not much was known about his mother, although Chinese biographies state that she became pregnant "after dreaming of swallowing rays of sunshine".[8] Accounts of the affluence of Fazang’s grandfather hint at his father’s ability to attain higher up positions in Tang aristocratic circles, despite being a Sogdian immigrant. However, epigraphic and textual sources show an abundance of ambiguity regarding his family.[8]

In contrast to the uncertainty surrounding his blood relatives, Fazang’s dharma family is better recorded in the sources. Zhiyan was his primary teacher, while Fazang's fellow scholars, Daocheng and Baochen, exerted additional influence. Fazang also had a multitude of fellow-disciples although sources only record four primary names: Huixiao, Huaiji, Huizhao, and most famously, Uisang, who went on to establish Hwaeom Buddhism in Korea. It is argued that he had many other disciples, a nun-disciple Facheng, two Korean disciples in addition to Uisang, and finally a Chinese biographer, Qianli.[8]

Fazang had an early interest in Buddhism. When he turned fifteen, he set his finger on fire in front of a “Ayuwang shelita” (a Famensi pagoda enshrining the finger bone of the Buddha). This was a popular religious practice at the time.[11] Fazang became disappointed in his initial search for a proper teacher in the capital, and so he went to Mount Zhongnan, where he studied Mahayana sutras, like the Avatamsaka sutra and also engaged in Daoist practices of consuming herbal elixirs.[12]

After several years of seclusion and hearing his parents were ill, Fazang returned to Chang’an and eventually met his first teacher Zhiyan, after impressing him with his knowledge of the Avatamsaka.[13] He began his lay discipleship with Zhiyan in roughly 663, however Fazang did extensive traveling and did not remain with his teacher consistently.[14] Before Zhiyan's passing in 668, he instructed his two vinaya masters, Daocheng and Baochen, to care for Fazang.[14] Daocheng was appointed as one of the three principals of the newly constructed monastery in Chang’an, Taiyuansi.[15] This would be where Fazang would enter Buddhist priesthood for the remainder of his life. Previous biographical sources claim that Fazang was either overqualified for the bodhisattva-precepts or had his ordination situated in a miraculous context, yet both were distorted accounts attempting to validate the lack of evidence Fazang ever had a full ordination.[8]

After 670 and Fazang's monastic ordination, he spent time traveling between Mount Zhongnan (staying at Wuzhensi and Zhixiangsi) and Taiyuansi in the capital. He often lectured on the Avatamsaka sutra.129 From 680 to 687, Fazang began working with the Indian monk Divākara on translating Indian texts into Chinese.[16]

Between 688–689, Fazang was ordered by Empress Wu (at this time acting as regent) to build a high Avatamsaka-seat and bodhimanda of Eight Assemblies in Luoyang.[17] This event provided an opportunity for elucidating and promoting the Avatamsaka sutra, and further established rapport between Fazang and Empress Wu, who would soon after establish her dynasty in 690.[18] At this time he also began his collaboration with the translator Devendraprajña.[17] During this period, Fazang maintained correspondence with his disciple Uisang, not only displaying his immense affection for his disciple, but providing a rare glimpse into the friendship between a Buddhist monk and master.[19]

In the founding of Empress Wu’s dynasty in 690, Fazang continued his teaching of the Avatamsaka sutra. He also traveled to various regions, visited his family, and debated with a Daoist priests.[20] A notable occurrence during this time was that Fazang was exiled to southern China (sometime between 694 and May 695).[21] He returned later in 695 (August).[21] The new translation of the Avatamsaka sutra (i.e. that of Śikṣānanda translation team) was soon released and celebrated with a ceremony in 695. Fazang soon began lecturing on the sutra. In one instance (c. 700), an earthquake occurred during one of his lectures, and this was celebrated as a great sign.[22]

Fazang also participated in the imperial suppression of the rebellion of the Khitans (c. 697). He performed some Buddhist rituals to aid the Chinese army, and this strengthened the relationship between Empress Wu and Fazang. The victorious war effort only increased enthusiasm for Buddhism at court.[23]

Famen temple

The 8th century saw much political change and unrest. From 700–705, Fazang continued translation work on the order of Empress Wu. He worked with Śikṣānanda's translation team on a new translation of the Lankavatara sutra, which was completed in 704.[24]

During this time, Fazang is said to have gone on a quest to Famen Temple to retrieve a sacred relic that supposedly provided therapeutic relief. Various veneration ceremonies were performed with the relic.[25] After Wu's retirement of the position due to political infighting, Li Xian was reinstated as emperor, and Fazang declared his loyalty to him. Fazang also contributed to the quelling of a political rebellion during this time of unrest (by providing crucial information to the emperor). He was accordingly recognized and rewarded with a fifth-rank title from Emperor Zhongzong in 705. A monastery was also restored in his honor (Shengshansi).[26]

In 706, Fazang joined Bodhiruci's translation team to work on the Mahāratnakūṭa sutra (Da Baoji jing). This translation project was the focus of his scholarly activity for some years to come (and it was not completed until 713, just after his death).[27]

From 708–709, a drought threatened the capital area, and Fazang was commanded to perform the proper religious rituals to manifest rain. Much to Zhongzong’s contentment, on the 7th day, a heavy downpour came about and lasted for ten nights. Fazang’s miraculous abilities continued to be efficacious through the imperial shifts in power.[28]

Jianfu temple, Xi'an

In the last years of his life, Fazang acquired increased imperial support, promoting the construction of new Huayan Buddhist monasteries in the two capitals (Chang’an and Luoyang), and as well as in Wu and Yue (Zhejiang and Jiangsu). According to Fazang's biographer Ch’oe Ch’iwon, the number of Avatamsaka societies (societies attended by laypersons to chant and study the sutra) is said to have "exceeded ten thousand" at this time.[29]

Fazang died on December 16, 712 (at 69 years old) at Great Jianfu temple and was honored accordingly by Emperor Ruizong with a generous posthumous donation.[30] Fazang was buried south of Huayansi, at Shenhe Plain.[30]

Fazang's greatest influence was upon his disciple Uisang (625-702), who was a senior disciple to Fazang and eventually returned to Korea to establish the Korean Huayan school: Hwaeom. It is well documented that they had a lifelong friendship and frequently corresponded through written letters. Fazang was also influential on one of his Korean disciples, Simsang (Jp. Shinjō). Simsang is known for transmitting Huayan to Japan, and for being the teacher of Rōben (689-773), known as the founder of the Kegon school (Japanese Huayan).[3]

In terms of propagating Huayan Buddhism in China, one of Fazang's greatest contributions was his translation work on the Avatamsaka sutra. In this, he collaborated with various Indian and Chinese masters. He also composed an important commentary to the sutra. The teachings of the Avatamsaka sutra were propagated through numerous lectures as well as through his close relationship with Empress Wu and other members of the imperial household. This ultimately led to the further establishment of Huayan Buddhist monasteries in around Chang'an as well as in Wu and Yue.[8]

Fazang is also credited for having contributed greatly in improving and promoting the technology of wood block carving (xylography), which he used for the printing of Buddhist texts.[8]

Along with the Indian master Divākara (Dipoheluo 地 婆訶羅 or Rizhao 日照; 613-688), Fazang also produced a translation of an extended edition of the Gaṇḍavyūha sūtra (Ru fajie pin, 入法界品, Chapter on Entering the Realm of Dharma), which makes up the last section of the Avatamsaka sutra. This new translation was deemed necessary because the previous translator of the Avatamsaka sutra (Buddhabhadra) had produced a significantly shorter translation.[31] The current Chinese edition of the 60 fascicle Avatamsaka Sutra actually includes Divākara and Fazang’s translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha chapter. This edition was produced during a revision in the Song Dynasty (960-1279).[31] Fazang also worked with Divākara on other translation projects.[31]

Fazang also took part in Śikṣānanda's translation efforts (from 695 to 699) to translate and edit the 80 fascicle Avatamsaka Sutra. This new translation was also missing parts, and so was completed with Fazang's translations.[31]

At a later date (688), Fazang also worked with the pandita Devendraprajña (Tiyunbore 提雲般若) to translate two more chapters of the Avatamsaka sutra (which are not found in either the 60 or the 80 fascicle Avatamsaka sutra). These two independent Avatamsaka translations are:[32]

• Da fangguang fo huayanjing xiuci fen 大方廣佛華嚴經修慈分

• Da fangguang fo huayan jing busiyi fo jingjie fen 大方廣佛華嚴經不思議佛境界分

Fazang wrote numerous works on Buddhism, his magnum opus is a commentary on the Avatamsaka (Huayan) sutra, the Huayan jing tanxuan ji (華嚴經探玄記, Record of Investigating the Mystery of the Huayan jing) in 60 fascicles.[7]

Other key works of Fazang include:[33]

1. Jin shizi zhang 金師子章 (The Treatise on Golden Lion), an essay that encapsulates the key teaching of Huayan Buddhism
2. Huayan wujiao zhang 華嚴五教章 (Treatise on Five Huayan Teachings), which contains the key panjiao (doctrinal classification) system of Huayan.
3. Dasheng qixin lun yiji 大乘起信論義紀 (Commentary on the Treatise of the Mahayana Awakening of Faith). This work remains one of the most important commentaries on this treatise. An English translation has been published by Dirck Vorenkamp.[34]
4. Paragraphs on the Doctrine of Difference and Identity of the One Vehicle of Huayan (華嚴一乘教分齊章).[35]

The Huayan fajie guanmen 華嚴法界觀門 (Method of Mental Examination on the Realm of Dharma) has been traditionally attributed to Dushun (557-640), but some scholars argue that it is actually by Fazang.[7]

Fazang also wrote a commentary to the Lankavatara sutra, which he considered to be one of the definitive sutras.[36][37]

Fazang also wrote a commentary to Nagarjuna's Treatise on the Twelve Gates (十二門論, pinyin: Shiermenlun, T. 1568), titled: A Record Conveying the Meaning of the Tenets of the Treatise on the Twelve Gates. A translation of this commentary has been published by Dirck Vorenkamp.[38]

One of more well-known texts written by Fazang is “The Rafter Dialogue”, in which conceptualizes his attempts to explain Huayan principles and mereology through the relation between a rafter (a part) and the building (a whole). It is a portion of a longer, systematic treatise, Paragraphs on the Doctrine of Difference and Identity of the One Vehicle of Huayan (Chinese: 華嚴一乘教分齊章), which may be found in the Taishō Tripiṭaka, where it is text 1866. In the dialogue, the principles of interpenetration and emptiness of phenomena are articulated, insofar as no condition or dharma can arise without the arising of another condition or dharma. Any thing or condition therefore is necessarily dependent upon another condition and conversely, lacks both independence and a static or substantial identity. In this way, things share in being empty and lacking an essential character, but also are distinct insofar as they have a unique and particular function in web of dependent causes. As Fazang says, “each part is identical (in making the whole and in allowing each part to be what it is), and they are identical because they are different”. The dialogue itself is structured into six characteristics, or six various ways to understand the relation between part and whole and between part and part. David Elstein depicts these in a summarized fashion.

1. Wholeness – the identity of part and whole
2. Particularity – the distinction between the parts and whole
3. Identity – the mutual identity between each part, by virtue of the fact that they together form a whole
4. Difference – the distinct functions of each part that allow them to form a whole
5. Integration – how the distinct parts unite as conditions for the whole
6. Disintegration – the fact that each part maintains its particularity while constituting the whole [35]

As Elstein emphasizes, this isn’t an attempt to explain how parts fit into a whole but rather the elucidation of six different mereological perspectives which are available for viewing at any time. In other words, Fazang is not providing a strict sequential analysis of our causal nexus, but rather displays available perspectives of things depending on what elements are in the spotlight. Furthermore, throughout the text, Fazang warns readers of the extremes of “annihilationism” and “eternalism” insofar as these are both ontological extremes that the Buddha originally rejected in embracing the “Middle Way”. To either posit objects as completely illusory and non-existence or conversely, to posit objects as independent and uncaused entities will both result in error.[35] Only in embracing the mean between these extremes and understanding things as such will result in ‘right view’, one of the original tenets of the Eightfold Path.

In his most famous and widely-known work, Fazang is attempting to describe the high-flying and abstruse principles of Huayan Buddhism to China’s only female emperor, Empress Wu, who wanted a clearer demonstration of them. His essay “On the Golden Lion” may be found in the Taishō Tripiṭaka, where it is text 1881, and is accompanied by the Song dynasty commentary of Cheng Qian. Although skepticism remains as to if these conversations did really occur,[8] such a teaching is intended to make Huayan more accessible and concrete to the novice through using the statue of a golden lion as a metaphorical device. As van Norden states, “The gold of the statue is a metaphor for the unified, underlying Pattern (li 理) while the appearance of the statue as a lion is for our illusory perception of things as independent individuals”.[35]

Such a metaphor is intended to illuminate the relation between pattern and appearance, namely how the reality of the statue is not really a lion, but only gold carved to look like a lion. Analogously, this is supposed to entail the relation between objects and their underlying nature, i.e. an object appears independent as does the keyboard in front of oneself, and yet ‘keyboard’ was just a name attached to this object that actually is empty of any inherent essence or essential name. The names we attach to things are without a doubt pragmatic and Fazang makes clear we should not abandon our conventional way of understanding, as without it, the teachings could never be made accessible.[35] However, our conventional labels are not wholly representative of the Pattern and ultimate nature of the object, therefore showing their limitations in seeking enlightenment and seeing ‘things-in-themselves’.